Showing posts with label Caribbean. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Caribbean. Show all posts

May 19, 2013


The CCJ And The Death Penalty

Published: 
Sunday, May 19, 2013
Source: Trinidad Guardian


Last week in the Senate an interesting exchange took place between Attorney General Anand Ramlogan and some PNM senators during the period set aside for questions to ministers. The essence of the argument was that the Attorney General indicated that he could prepare a draft bill within 48 hours on the death penalty. 

He then challenged the PNM senators to state for the record whether they would be willing to support the abolition of appeals to the Privy Council on criminal matters only and to substitute the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) as the final court of appeal for criminal matters only. There was no response from the PNM senators on this point and so the issue ended in a stalemate.  

However, what emerged was that the Government is still committed to the idea of having the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council replaced by the CCJ as the final court of appeal for criminal matters, while simultaneously moving forward with an amendment to the Constitution to oust the jurisdiction of the court from challenging the constitutionality of the death penalty.

In order to accomplish all of this, such legislation would require a three-fourths majority in the House and a two-thirds majority in the Senate. The last time that the capital punishment legislation was brought to the House, in February 2011, the Opposition PNM did not support it and the bill died at that stage.

The matter was recently revived by the Prime Minister when she indicated at a UNC Monday Night Forum in Barataria some weeks ago that she was prepared to bring that legislation back to Parliament. The Attorney General has now revived the earlier proposal for the substitution of criminal jurisdiction of the Privy Council with the CCJ. The heart of the story lies in the approach that has been adopted by the Privy Council over the years in respect of the death penalty in the Commonwealth Caribbean. 

Since it was established that the death penalty is indeed a proper form of constitutional punishment in the case of De Freitas v Benny (1976)AC 239 where Michael de Freitas, also known as Michael Abdul Malik, had his death sentence confirmed on the ground that it was not “cruel and unusual punishment” to hang him for the murder of British socialite Gale Ann Benson at Christina Gardens in Arima, there have been twists and turns over the years. 

Coming out of that same murder, Stanley Abbott had had his death sentence confirmed in the case of Abbott v Attorney General (1979)1WLR 1342 where Lord Diplock set aside the issue of delay of execution measured in months, owing to the transition of T&T from monarchical to republican status in 1976. However, he left open the issue of delay of execution measured in years and that would prove to be a game-changer for the death-penalty debate in years to come.

In 1982, the Privy Council divided three-two in favour of carrying out the death penalty in the Jamaican case of Riley and Others v Attorney General (1982)35 WIR 279 whereby the issue of delay of execution measured in years was not overcome by the human-rights issue of delay of execution rendering invalid the actual execution itself thereby making it “inhuman and degrading punishment.”

Lords Diplock, Hailsham and Bridge were in the majority, while Lords Scarman and Brightman were in the minority. Some 11 years later, in the landmark case of Pratt and Another v Attorney General of Jamaica (1993)43 WIR 340 the Privy Council accepted the argument of delay of execution as rendering the death sentence unconstitutional if it is not carried out within five years of the sentencing date.

By this time, Lords Diplock and Hailsham had left the bench and some less-conservative judges had been appointed to the British House of Lords as Law Lords. This ushered in an era of abolitionist judges as members of judicial panels who were prepared to adopt an approach that placed them at loggerheads with Commonwealth Caribbean governments on the issue of the death penalty.

Several cases were quite controversially decided that raised issues of whether this was “judicial politics” at work as opposed to the application of existing law. One of them was the Guerra v Baptiste case (1996)1 AC 397 from T&T, which admonished the State for trying to carry out the execution of Lincoln Guerra too swiftly for the murder of Leslie Ann Girod and her baby in Wallerfield.

By 2000, the Jamaican case of Lewis v Attorney General (2001)2 AC 50 constructively abolished the death penalty in the region when the Privy Council held that the decisions of the Mercy Committee were now reviewable, which overturned the ruling in De Freitas v Benny, that states must now await the responses of international human-rights bodies on petitions of reprieve before carrying out executions, and that prison conditions must be taken into account.

Other controversies have arisen over mandatory and discretionary sentencing. However, the death penalty remains in limbo, with the Privy Council precedents holding firm.

April 12, 2007

Top-down Caribbean Integration - Daley

Regional leaders just don't get it. When they get together for their periodic summits to discuss their fancy reports and studies, they seem to think the rest of the Caribbean has a deep, abiding care. Most people don't.

The reason there is no huge interest in this whole business of regional integration has to do with the fact that ordinary people are still being left out of the discussions.

Those who have observed and studied the integration project since the time of the failed West Indian Federation in the 1950s have repeatedly pointed to the problem of leaders seeking to integrate from the top down. It didn't work in the past and there is hardly any reason for thinking it's going to work now.

Recommendations

On that matter of Federation, a report of a working group on ways to strengthen regional governance is one of the latest issues to occupy the minds of Caribbean Community (CARICOM) leaders. Its recommendation for the creation of a supranational body is far-reaching and, in many ways, paints the outlines of a federal structure.

The so-called CARICOM Commission, modelled on the successful European Commission, is aimed at clearing the way for swifter decision making within the regional com-munity, especially in the context of an emerging single market and economy. The idea has been floating about for years now but it looks like steps are being taken to move it to implementation.

According to the recent report of the working group, the "Commission, in the exercise of its functions, should have authority to intervene within individual national systems and at the level of regional entities on behalf of the collective political directorate in the elaboration and execution of agreed decisions."

That mandate is sure to scare some people who still have fears that attempts are being made to federate through the back door.

Leaders have endorsed the report of the working group, which was headed by Dr. Vaughan Lewis, former Prime Minister of St. Lucia and a respected academic in his own right. That was in February. Since then, there has been little discussion about the whole thing. Granted, Cricket World Cup has taken the spotlight, but I'm not convinced enough is being done by the leaders through their technocrats and communications specialists to have the idea of the commission ventilated and explained.

Political opportunism

Without this genuine discussion, there will be ample room for political opportunism when crunch time comes around for political parties. The proposed Commission represents a delicate initiative which has to be handled with care, especially since it involves surrendering some aspects of national sovereignty.

It's not too complicated for ordinary people to understand if they are provided with sufficient and appropriate information as to how it would work and the benefits to be derived. After that, they can decide whether they want to gamble on it or not.

What we have had, too often, over the years are regional leaders making decisions about people's lives without having the benefit of widespread public consultation and feedback. It's the usual top-down attitude that hasn't worked.

There is a chance with this proposed Commission to change that approach by involving everyone - from the man on the street corner to the Opposition parties - in the discussions. I can think of a few regional institutions that might have benefited from that more enlightened way of doing business.
VERNON DALEY
Source - Jamaica Gleaner

January 25, 2007

JUDGES OF THE CARIBBEAN COURT OF JUSTICE

The Right Honourable Mr. Justice Michael de la Bastide, T.C

The Honourable Mr. Justice Rolston Nelson

The Honourable Mr. Justice Duke Pollard

The Honourable Mr. Justice Adrian Saunders

The Honourable Mme. Justice Désirée Bernard

The Honourable Mr. Justice David Hayton

The Honourable Mr. Justice Jacob Wit

* Details of each will be provided shortly*