Source: Caribbeannetnews.com
November 24, 2009
Jamaica and the Caribbean Court of Justice and regional integration
Source: Caribbeannetnews.com
November 23, 2009
VINCENTIAN REFERENDUM: A CASE OF TOO MUCH, TOO LATE?
By Rickey Singh
Source: The Jamaica Observer
Published : Sunday, November 22, 2009
THE court battle to block a national referendum taking place this Wednesday (Nov 25) on a new constitution for St Vincent and the Grenadines may turn out to be a case of too much, too late.
Last Wednesday (Nov 18) a High Court judge chose tomorrow (Monday) to begin the hearing of the petition filed by a four-member "no vote committee" seeking to block the referendum, called to either endorse or reject the proposed new constitution.
The committee members, known to be associated with the parliamentary opposition New Democratic Party (NDP) of Arnhim Eustace, are contending that it was unlawful, discriminatory and immoral for state funds to be made available only to the "yes vote" campaigners of the governing Unity Labour Party (ULP) of Prime Minister Ralph Gonsalves.
Lawyers for the state, on the other hand, plan to outline why the application to fund the "no vote" referendum campaign should be dismissed as being without merit, frivolous and vexatious.
At stake for the government is the big challenge of securing a "yes vote", with two-thirds of the eligible electorate, for the new post-independence constitution.
Among its significant features will be the end to a governance system with the British monarch as Head of State and replacement of the Privy Council with the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) as the country's final appellate institution. Empowerment of the parliamentary opposition is also another major provision.
The immediate challenge is for the government's legal team to succeed, either tomorrow (Monday) or on Wednesday, in getting the presiding judge to grant a customary seven-day period for a response to the petition filed by the "no vote committee".
It is the prevailing view in legal circles that it would be consistent with established practice for the judge to allow the argument in favour of the respondent.
This therefore means that while the legal battle is being waged in the High Court in Kingstown on Wednesday, Vincentians will be casting their ballots at polling stations on referendum day - for or against the new constitution.
The question being discussed in political and legal circles is whether this scenario amounts to a national issue of too much, too late.
Too much, that is, to ignore parliament's stamp of democratic approval for the new constitution to be endorsed, or rejected, at a national referendum; and too little in terms of an apparent feeble effort - no known militant, focused opposition, and at a comparatively late stage, to block Wednesday's historic decision by the electorate.
Although approved by a two-thirds parliamentary majority last September 3 in the 15-member House of Assembly, a two-thirds majority is also required at a national referendum for the new constitution to come into force.
The government's response to its opponents has been that the new constitution was approved by a two-thirds majority after widespread national consultations on constitutional reform.
The parliamentary opposition NDP was involved, it said, in both the constitution reform process as well as the parliamentary debates for approval of the new constitution that is now the subject of Wednesday's referendum.
As argued by Prime Minister Gonsalves, funding for the educational campaign on constitutional reform was borne by the state with help from the Organisation of American States.
"Now that the required two-thirds parliamentary majority approval of the new constitution was obtained, I find it strange for the government to allocate state funds for the NDP to oppose the decision of the National Assembly," he said.
Gonsalves' NDP opponents, for their part, have dismissed his argument as engaging "in sheer political sophistry". Nevertheless, clarification has been lacking on why the clamour for state funds in support of a "no vote" campaign was not made during the House debate on Wednesday's referendum.
When told about the moral argument contention of the government's opponents on the sharing of state funds for the referendum campaign, Prime Minister Gonsalves claimed that the NDP had "fallen under foreign influence to create confusion" and was now "panicking" because of the nature of its campaign that "engages in superficialities rather than one of substance".
He said he was "very optimistic" for a required two-thirds "yes" vote (approximately 67 per cent of the voting electorate).
At the last general election of December 2005, the incumbent ULP secured 55.26 per cent of the valid votes and 12 of the 15 seats compared with the NDP's 44.68 per cent vote and three seats.
November 21, 2009
The role of CCJ in new democratic governance - Part 2
Published: Sunday | November 22, 2009
Justice Beverly McLachlin, chief justice of the Supreme Court of Canada, in an address in New Zealand in 2004, said: "Interpreting and applying constitutional principles, written and unwritten, requires that the judge hold uncompromisingly to his or her judicial conscience, informed by past legal usage, written constitutional norms and international principles to which the nation has attorned. But judicial conscience is not to be confused with personal conscience. Judicial conscience is founded on the judge's sworn commitment to uphold the rule of law. It is informed not by the judge's personal views, nor the judge's views as to what policy is best. It is informed by the law, in all its complex majesty, as manifested in the three sources I've suggested."
Justice McLachlin is advocating the use of the right tools, an analytical and discovery approach, not an emotional clap of the bosom to invoke the right personal responses. It is an approach we have endorsed, giving respect to the objective majesty of the law, and one which did not envisage an agenda for the courts, or a need for a supportive constituency base.
Justice Saunders may well be right, that this is the kind of loose and unfettered role which our current democratic form of governance needs and which we should confer on the supreme court of the CCJ. However, now that we know his thinking, we should look long and hard before we leap.
I may be wrong, but as I understand Justice Saunders, the CCJ, as the Supreme Court, is an agenda-driven institution, capable of formulating policy and creating law without any corresponding checks and balances and, therefore, is in need of a constituency base to pinch-hit for it when it runs into trouble with the populace. The constituency which he looks to pinch-hit for is the legal profession.
Having carved out the CCJ's policy-making and legislative activities, Justice Saunders outlines 'the role of the Bar as defender of the integrity of the court and justice system': "The difficulty that courts experience when they must determine important matters of policy is that they are called upon to do so without the conventional political resources that are readily available to the other branches of government. . We have no party apparatus to call on for guidance and encouragement, no political organisation ready and equipped to go out and drum up support for the decisions that we must make, nor party machine that can be activated to defend the court from unjustified attacks.
"Yet no institution in a democratic society could become and remain potent unless it can count on a solid block of public opinion that would rally at a pinch. If the integrity of the CCJ is to be maintained at a high level, the court should be able, at all times, to command support and receive encouragement from what should comprise its natural constituency.
"That natural constituency is, of course, the legal profession. It is you, the legal fraternity, upon whom the CCJ must rely to stand up for the right of the court to make the choices we are called upon to make."
'unelected position'
Bearing in mind that, for Justice Saunders, the choices are personal, the CCJ would be an unelected politician dressed in judicial robes, with a specialised unthinking constituency base, unconnected to the general population, focused only on the monstrance of upholding the judiciary, right or wrong. The legal profession would become drones, hovering over the CCJ to protect its law-creating power, rooted in personal choices and not guided by judicial conscience.
In this regard, I reflect upon the observations of Justice Rosalie Silberman Abella of the Supreme Court of Canada, then Justice of the Court of Appeal for Ontario, given on August 7, 2000 at Osgood Hall:
"While all branches of government are responsible for the delivery of justice, they respond to different imperatives. Legislators, our elected proxies, consult constituents, fellow parliamentarians and available research until the public's opinions are sufficiently digestible to be swallowed by a parliamentary majority. And if they cannot be made sufficiently palatable, they are starved for want of political nourishment.
"This is the dilemma all legislators face - they are elected to implement the public will, the public will is often difficult to ascertain or implement, and they are therefore left to implement only those constituency concerns which can survive the gauntlet of the prevailing partisan ideology. At the end of any given parliamentary session, many public concerns lay scattered of necessity on the cutting room floor, awaiting either wider public endorsement or a newly elected partisan ideology.
"The judiciary has a different relationship with the public. It is accountable less to the public's opinions and more to the public interest. It discharges that accountability by being principled, independent and impartial. Of all the public institutions responsible for delivering justice, the judiciary is the only one for whom justice is the exclusive mandate.
"This means that while legislatures respond of necessity of the urgings of the public, however we define it, judges, on the other hand, serve only justice. As Lillian Hellman once said: "I will not cut my conscience to fit this year's fashions." This means that the occasional judgment will collide with some public expectations, which will inevitably create controversy. But judgments which are controversial are not, thereby, illegitimate or undemocratic. They are, in fact, democracy at work .
"What of the role of public opinion? Should judges really transcend these views as they discharge their duties? Probably. Should they be aware of them anyway? Certainly. But first, we have to think about what public opinion really means and why it does not guide the courts the way it does legislatures."
accept criticism
Judges of the Supreme Court should not be afraid of criticism, especially by those best informed to criticise and filter the adjudication process to the population. It is part of the accountability process.
If we muzzle those best equipped to afford this corrective balance, then we fall on a slippery slope until chaos halts the fall at the bottom of the slope.
This is a central issue of the debate on the acceptance of the CCJ as the final appellate court, and the time is critical when we are considering constitutional reform. How will the CCJ be translated into our constitutions and what will be the scope of its powers?
constitutional limitations
It seems to me that we should be considering and devising constitutional limitations upon the power of the CCJ to convert itself into a supreme and unlimited law-making body. This is a matter for the dynamics of any new constitution of the respective nation states.
If the law-making power of Parliament is constitutionally limited in a constitutional democracy, the CCJ's power to review the laws passed by parliament should also be subject to limitations. That is what balance amounts to and requires.
Like the legislature and the executive, the judiciary derives its powers from the constitution of the individual nation state. Judges are equally subject to the constitution. They can interpret and invalidate laws, declare them to be valid or unconstitutional, void and of no effect but they cannot be allowed to assume the law-making function.
Since we have been put on notice, this needs to be addressed in our new constitutional arrangements and governance before we receive the CCJ as our supreme court.
The legal profession should lead on this aspect of the debate. Their ultimate constituency is the people and their compass the core values which our societies have embraced in a balanced constitutional arrangement where no branch of governance responsibility over-reaches the other, but rather treats the other with respect within the constitutional boundaries, restraints and strictures.
KEY NOTE ADDRESS
By
The Rt. Hon. Mr. Justice Michael de la Bastide T.C.
President of the Caribbean Court of Justice
On the occasion of
THE INAGURAL SYMPOSIUM: “CURRENT DEVELOPMENTS IN CARIBBEAN COMMUNITY LAW”
Hyatt Regency, Port of Spain, 9thNovember, 2009
______________________________________________________
DEVELOPMENTS IN JUDICIAL PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS
IN THE COMMONWEALTH CARIBBEAN
[1] May I begin by saying how pleased the Caribbean Court of Justice is to be associated with The Caribbean Law Institute Centre and the CARICOM Secretariat in hosting this symposium. We value very highly the ties we have established between the judges of the Caribbean Court of Justice and the members of the Law Faculty of the University of the West Indies at Cave Hill. We have participated in their workshops at Cave Hill and we spent a day together at the Court exchanging views on a variety of legal issues of importance to the region. I notice that this symposium has been designated ‘The Inaugural Symposium’ and I am confident that the promise which is inherent in that designation, of similar symposia to come, will be kept. I too would like to thank the Honourable Prime Minister of Barbados for having honoured us with his presence at this Opening Ceremony and for his address. It is heartening to know that despite his many other commitments he has today given this function priority over them. Thank you Mr. Prime Minister.
[2] I have been given the opportunity of addressing you briefly on developments in judicial protection of fundamental rights in the Commonwealth Caribbean. Given the time constraints I have selected quite arbitrarily a few areas in which these developments have occurred. The first of these areas is that of remedies for constitutional breach and the development here is the emergence of ‘vindicatory damages’, a relatively new addition to these remedies.
VINDICTORY DAMAGES
[3] What exactly are ‘vindicatory damages’? This question can perhaps be best answered by reference to the purpose which they are intended to serve. Every time a constitutionally protected right or freedom is contravened without an effective response from the courts, the right or freedom breached suffers diminishment. For the court’s response to be effective, it must serve to vindicate the right or freedom infringed by countering the negative effect of its breach. This objective may be achieved at least to some extent, by the award of compensatory damages to the person affected. But there are times when compensatory damages are an inadequate response to the breach. It is in those cases that an additional award of vindicatory or constitutional damages should be made. According to the Privy Council in Attorney General of Trinidad and Tobago v. Ramanoop,[i] this additional award should be made if it is needed “to reflect the sense of public outrage, to emphasise the importance of the constitutional right and the gravity of the breach, and to deter further breaches.”
[4] I think I should place on record what led up to the Privy Council in 2005 placing its seal of approval on the new head of damages described as ‘vindicatory’. In 1979, in the case of Attorney-General of St. Christopher, Nevis and Anguilla v. Reynolds[ii] the Privy Council held that exemplary damages (the form of non-compensatory damages available in the field of tort) were not recoverable for breach of a constitutional right or freedom. This was reflective of the more conservative judicial culture that prevailed at that time. The possibility of awarding non-compensatory damages in constitutional cases was nevertheless broached by the Court of Appeal of Trinidad and Tobago in 1997 in Jorsingh v. The Attorney General.[iii] It was raised in obiter dicta by two judges, Sharma JA (as he then was) and myself as the then Chief Justice. I invited the Privy Council when the opportunity next arose, to recognise that damages for constitutional breach could, and should, be used for a wider purpose than simply to compensate a successful claimant. I drew attention to the wide jurisdiction given to the High Court by section 14(2) of the Trinidad and Tobago Constitution to “make such orders, issue such writs and give such directions as it may consider appropriate for the purpose of enforcing, or securing the enforcement of, any of the provisions of this Chapter…”. I suggested that the power given to the court to award damages for constitutional breach was neither limited to providing compensation nor constrained by the rules governing the assessment of damages at common law.[iv] Sharma JA went even further and said:
“Not only can the court enlarge old remedies; it can invent new ones as well, if that is what it takes or is necessary in an appropriate case to secure and vindicate the rights breached. Anything less would mean that the court itself, instead of being the protector, and defender and generator of the constitutional rights, would be guilty of the most serious betrayal”.[v]
[5] There followed the case of Ramanoop in which the trial judge had rejected the claim for exemplary damages for constitutional breach. The Court of Appeal held that he was wrong to have confined himself to compensation. It was in his judgment in that case that Sharma CJ (as he by then was) coined the phrase “vindicatory damages”, which was widely adopted (without attribution) by other judges. The Privy Council endorsed the recognition given by the Court of Appeal to the new head of damages in claims for breach of constitutionally protected rights and freedoms.
[6] In fact, the Privy Council was so receptive to this new remedy that in two cases in 2008, one from St. Lucia (Fraser v Judicial & Legal Services Commission)[vi] and the other from St. Kitts and Nevis (Inniss v Attorney General)[vii], it held that vindicatory damages could be awarded for breach of constitutional provisions other than those which embodied and protected fundamental rights and freedoms. Both these cases involved magistrates whose removal from office was effected in a manner not authorised by the Constitution. In both cases the action was brought pursuant to a provision contained in both of the relevant Constitutions, which gives the High Court jurisdiction to entertain complaints by persons with ‘a relevant interest’, that a provision of the Constitution, other than one contained in the Chapter on Fundamental Rights and Freedoms, had been contravened, and to grant relief both by way of a declaration or by an award of damages. In both cases, the Privy Council held that the dismissed magistrate was entitled, not only to compensatory damages for breach of contract, but also to an award of vindicatory damages. The provision which gave the High Court jurisdiction is found in the Constitutions of the six OECS States but nowhere else in the Commonwealth Caribbean.
[7] One may well ask what then is the position in the absence of such a provision of a person who is adversely affected by the action of some public official or authority which contravenes a provision of the Constitution other than one contained in the Chapter on Fundamental Rights and Freedoms? It would seem that in such a case the aggrieved party would have to proceed by way of judicial review to challenge the action in question. Depending on the local legislation governing judicial review, damages limited to compensation might be recoverable, but nothing beyond that.
[8] The question whether, and if so, how, vindicatory damages are distinguishable from exemplary damages, has provoked a good deal of discussion both by judges and academics. Initially, the tendency was to identify and highlight perceived differences between the two types of damages. For example, the point was made that while exemplary damages are punitive, vindicatory are not. It was also suggested that exemplary damages focus more on the offender while vindicatory damages focus on the right infringed. The differences between them in my view are not all that clear-cut. They are differences more of emphasis than of substance. There is clearly a great deal of overlap between the two. The Privy Council has itself come around to accepting that both forms of damages have a good deal in common. In the recent case of Takitota v The Attorney General[viii] from The Bahamas the Board held that to award both exemplary and vindicatory damages would result in a duplication. In delivering the judgment of the Board Lord Carswell said at paragraph [13]:
“The award of damages for breach of constitutional rights has much the same object as the common law award of exemplary damages”.
[9] My final word on this topic is that I would not like to see the award of vindicatory damages so hedged around with rules and restrictions that its usefulness as a tool for the enforcement of constitutionally protected rights and freedoms, would be impaired.
DISCRIMINATION AND MALA FIDES
[10] The more robust approach adopted by the Privy Council in recent times towards the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms, is evidenced also by the indication it has given that it will at the first opportunity abolish the requirement that an allegation of unequal treatment by a public authority must be supported by proof of mala fides. The right to equality of treatment is enshrined in Trinidad and Tobago in section 4(d) of the Constitution. In what was probably the first case in the region based on an alleged infringement of this right i.e. Smith v. LJ Williams Limited,[ix] it was held that the presumption of constitutionality with which official acts are clothed, had the effect of casting on the aggrieved party the burden of proving mala fides on the part of the person against whom the allegation of discrimination was made.
[11] A qualification of this rule was introduced, however, by Persaud JA in the Trinidad and Tobago Court of Appeal in Attorney General v. KC Confectionery Limited.[x] Persaud JA held that as an alternative to alleging and proving mala fides, a party complaining of unequal treatment could succeed by proving “the deliberate and intentional exercise of power not in accordance with law which results in the erosion of the complainant’s rights”. The scope of this alternative has proved somewhat elusive as it has been interpreted and applied to different effect by different judges.
[12] The other two judges in the Court of Appeal (Kelsick CJ and Bernard JA) did not dissent from Persaud JA’s judgment (in fact Kelsick CJ expressly concurred with “the findings of fact and conclusions of law” of both his colleagues) but neither acknowledged any exception to the rule that mala fides must be proved when discrimination is alleged.
[13] It was in the case of Mohanlal Bhagwandeen v. The Attorney General of Trinidad and Tobago[xi] that Lord Carswell in delivering the judgment of the Privy Council gave a pretty clear indication that the Privy Council was leaning towards the view that proof of mala fides was not necessary in order to support a claim of unequal treatment. The Board however, stopped short of ruling on that point saying that they would require “detailed argument on the issue before attempting to express any definite conclusion on the correctness of the proposition accepted by the Court of Appeal i.e. that mala fides was an essential ingredient of actionable discrimination”. The thinking of the Board, however, was clearly signalled in a number of ways. Firstly, Lord Carswell suggested that there “may have been a degree of confusion between two distinct concepts, the presumption of regularity and the necessity for proof of deliberate intention to discriminate”. Secondly, Lord Carswell pointed out that mala fides was no longer required in discrimination cases in the United Kingdom since the decision of the House of Lords in James v. Eastleigh Borough Council[xii] in 1990. Thirdly, Lord Carswell described Deyalsingh J as having “cogently reasoned” at first instance in the KC Confectionery case that both the presumption of regularity and the necessity for proof of mala fides rested on unsatisfactory foundations and should not be accepted as correct.
[14] The rather unsatisfactory state of the law is further illustrated by the divergent judgments in the Trinidad and Tobago Court of Appeal in the case of Central Broadcasting Services Limited & Anor. v. The Attorney General.[xiii] In that case the complainants had applied to the Telecommunications Authority for a broadcasting license. For a number of years their application was neither refused nor granted but while it was pending, a broadcasting license was granted to a company, Citadel Limited, which had applied for a licence several months after the applicants. The Minister had recommended to the Authority that it expedite the application of Citadel Limited and the license to that company was granted at a time when the Authority had decided to suspend the grant of licenses pending the settling of a broadcasting policy. In these circumstances, the applicants claimed that they were the victims of unequal treatment at the hands of the Authority. In the Court of Appeal Mendonça JA held that proof of malice was essential if the applicants were to succeed. He held, however, that mala fides could, and should, be inferred from the intentional and irresponsible act of the Telecommunications Authority in giving preferential treatment to Citadel Limited in the circumstances just mentioned. He held that since no law was broken in this case, it fell outside of the category of case in which Persaud JA’s held that proof of mala fides was not required. Warner JA on the other hand was of the view that mala fides had not been proved but yet upheld the finding of unconstitutionality on the basis that there had been proof of ‘intentional and purposeful’ discrimination and (it would seem) that this served to bring the case within Persaud JA’s second category of case. Hamel-Smith JA did not think that proof of mala fides was necessary and was prepared to rely on the second limb of Persaud JA’s judgment in KC Confectionery. In any case he agreed with Mendonça JA that mala fides could be inferred from the facts of the case.
[15] When the matter came before the Privy Council, junior counsel for the applicant, Mr. Anand Ramlogan, wished to argue that in order to establish actionable discrimination it was sufficient to prove that the party aggrieved had been treated differently from others who were ‘similarly circumstanced’. The Board, however, would not allow him to do so as the Court of Appeal’s finding of unconstitutionality had not been challenged by a cross-appeal by the State.
[16] There is an obvious need for a clear and unambiguous statement of what is necessary to establish a breach of the constitutional right to equality of treatment and the sooner that it is provided, the better. Hamel-Smith JA has pointed out that the requirement of proof of mala fides can be regarded as a fetter on the right to equality of treatment, particularly as those who practise discrimination are often at pains to conceal their motive. This lends weight to the argument that it should be sufficient for an aggrieved party to prove that he was less favourably treated than other persons who were similarly circumstanced, or that someone similarly circumstanced was more favourably treated than him. This argument could be accepted without abandoning the presumption of regularity if it was accepted that the burden on the aggrieved party is not only to prove difference in treatment, but also at least to negative on a prima facie basis the existence of any reasonable or legitimate reason for the difference. This could be regarded as necessarily involved in proving that the persons who were differently treated were similarly circumstanced. Until a final court has spoken authoritatively and decisively on this issue, the law will remain in an uncertain and unsatisfactory state.
PROPORTIONALITY
[17] Another important and relatively recent development in the protection of constitutional rights in this region has been the introduction of the concept of proportionality into our jurisprudence. This concept is used to assist in determining whether a law that derogates from a constitutionally protected right or freedom is permissible and constitutional or impermissible and unconstitutional. It is generally recognised that fundamental human rights and freedoms are not absolute but qualified. It is usual for constitutions to make provision for derogation from the fundamental rights and freedoms which they enshrine.
[18] In the case of the OECS States, provisions which impinge on the rights and freedoms of the individual are subjected by the terms of their Constitutions to two tests. Firstly, such provisions must be “reasonably required” for certain broad purposes linked to the public interest e.g. defence, public safety, public health, etc., or for the protection of the rights of others. The onus of proof here is on the party supporting the impinging law. The second requirement imposed by these Constitutions is that the impinging law must not be shown to be “not reasonably justifiable in a democratic society”. Here the onus of proof lies on the party challenging the impinging law.
[19] The Constitutions of the other Commonwealth Caribbean States with the exception of Trinidad and Tobago, impose the first only of these two requirements. Finally, in the case of Trinidad and Tobago the fundamental rights and freedoms are stated in absolute terms and there is no provision which saves from invalidity Acts of Parliament passed by a simple majority which are inconsistent with the fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual. There is, however, in the Constitution of Trinidad and Tobago a section (section 13), which preserves the validity of an Act which is inconsistent with a fundamental right guaranteed by the Constitution if that Act has been passed by a three-fifths majority of all the members of each House, declares itself to be inconsistent with the fundamental human rights sections of the Constitution and is not shown not to be reasonably justifiable in a society that has a proper respect for the rights and freedoms of the individual. A similar exemption from compliance with fundamental human rights and freedoms is conferred by section 50 of the Jamaican Constitution on Acts passed by an enhanced majority.
[20] What I will refer to loosely as the proportionality test was first applied by the Privy Council in an appeal from the Caribbean in de Freitas v. Permanent Secretary of Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries Lands and Housing,[xiv] an appeal from Antigua and Barbuda. The issue in that case was whether a blanket prohibition of all civil servants from expressing opinions on controversial political issues was a limitation on the right of the applicant’s freedom of expression which satisfied the two requirements imposed by the Constitution. For the purposes of the first requirement, the question was whether the prohibition was “reasonably required for the proper performance [by civil servants] of their functions”. The second requirement was that the ban should not be shown not to be “reasonably justifiable in a democratic society”.
[21] It was in relation to the second of these requirements that the Privy Council adopted an approach borrowed from a judgment of Chief Justice Gubbay of Zimbabwe in Nyambirai v National Social Security Authority[xv] which involves the Court asking itself and answering the following questions: “whether (i) the legislative objective is sufficiently important to justify limiting a fundamental right; (ii) the measures designed to meet the legislative objectives are rationally connected to it; and (iii) the means used to impair the right or freedom are no more than is necessary to accomplish the objective”.[xvi] Although the issue of proportionality is strictly speaking raised only by the third of these questions I shall refer to the whole formulation as ‘the proportionality test’.
[22] The Board held that the blanket prohibition failed the proportionality test because it answered the third question in the negative. Accordingly, the Privy Council restored the finding of unconstitutionality made by the trial judge.
[23] The proportionality test was applied by the Privy Council in Worme and Anor. v. Commissioner of Police of Grenada,[xvii] for the purpose of determining whether a law creating the offence of criminal libel was a permissible derogation from the right of freedom of expression under the Grenadian Constitution. In this case, however, it was applied for the purpose of determining whether both requirements of the Grenadian Constitution for impinging laws were satisfied. The first issue to be determined was whether the offence of criminal libel was ‘reasonably required’ for the purpose of protecting the reputations of other persons, and the second was whether the maintenance of that offence on the statute book was ‘reasonably justifiable in a democratic society’. The result of applying the proportionality test was that the law making criminal libel an offence was held to satisfy both these requirements.
[24] In Surratt v. The Attorney General of Trinidad and Tobago[xviii] the constitutionality of the Equal Opportunity Act[xix] was in issue. One of the grounds on which the Act was challenged and held by the Court of Appeal to be unconstitutional, was because of the inconsistency of some of its provisions with some of the fundamental rights and freedoms enshrined in the Trinidad and Tobago Constitution including the right to enjoyment of property and to freedom of thought and expression. This Act had been passed by a simple majority and so Section 13 of the Constitution did not apply. Consequently there was nothing in the constitution to indicate what criteria should be used in order to determine whether the offending sections of the Act should be held to be constitutional notwithstanding their inconsistency with certain of the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution. As a result there was so to speak no peg on which to hang the proportionality test. That did not deter the Board, however, from applying it in a simplified form.
[25] It was reduced in Baroness Hales’ formulation to two questions viz: (1) did the infringing provisions have a legitimate objective, and (2) were the means used to achieve that objective proportionate to it? Baroness Hales (who delivered the majority judgment) dealt with the said absence of any provision in the Trinidad and Tobago Constitution which sanctioned the abridgment of a fundamental right or freedom by an ordinary Act passed by a simple majority, in the following way:
“It cannot be the case that every Act of Parliament which impinges in any way upon the rights protected in sections 4 and 5 of the Constitution is for that reason alone unconstitutional. Legislation frequently affects rights such as freedom of thought and expression and the enjoyment of property. These are both qualified rights which may be limited either by general legislation or in the particular case, provided that the limitation pursues a legitimate aim and is proportionate to it. It is for Parliament in the first instance to strike the balance between individual rights and the general interest. The courts may on occasion have to decide whether Parliament has achieved the right bala[xx]nce.”[xxi]
[26] I digress to call attention to the rather odd situation which still obtains for most of the Commonwealth Caribbean. It is that there is such a huge distance, both geographically and culturally, between the Parliament which initially strikes the balance between public interest and individual right and the final court which reviews and may alter the balance which the Parliament has struck.
[27] I would like also in the same context to quote a passage from the minority judgment delivered by Lord Bingham in the same case of Surratt. He said:
“To the extent that the answer to the present problem is doubtful, weight should be given to the judgment of the Trinidad and Tobago courts. A judge sitting in a local constitutional environment, in which he has grown up and with which he is familiar, is likely to have a surer sense of what falls within the purview of the Constitution and what falls beyond than a court sitting many miles away. For this reason alone, in the absence of manifest error, the Board should be slow to disturb the unanimous conclusion of the local courts on a question of this kind, involving as it does a question of judgment and degree.”[xxii]
[28] Let me make it clear that the issue to which these remarks of Lord Bingham were directed is a totally different issue to the one with which I have been dealing but I think that his words of the senior Law Lord have a validity which extends far beyond the particular issue with which he had been dealing.
[29] It is to be noted that in the Court of Appeal in Surratt,[xxiii] Archie JA (as he then was) considered that because the Act had been passed by a simple majority and section 13 of the Constitution therefore did not apply the question of whether Parliament had struck the right balance in the Act between the public interest in eliminating discrimination and the protection of the rights and freedoms of the individual, did not and could not arise. This view was rejected, at least impliedly, by the Privy Council.
[30] To complete the picture, I would point out that what I have referred to as the proportionality test was applied by Jamadar J in Northern Construction Ltd. v. Attorney General[xxiv] for the purpose of determining whether certain provisions in the Proceeds of Crime Act[xxv] an Act which had been passed by a three-fifths majority and declared its own inconsistency with the Chapter on Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms was reasonably justifiable in a society which had a proper respect for the rights and freedoms of the individual. The Court of Appeal while differing from the trial judge’s conclusion, found no fault with his use of the proportionality test.
[31] The pervasiveness which the proportionality test has achieved in our constitutional law prompts me to ask one or two questions. If the test applies to Acts of the Trinidad and Tobago Parliament whether or not they have been passed by an enhanced majority, what added protection is given to an Act which is passed by a three-fifths majority and declares its inconsistency with sections 4 and 5 of the Constitution? If the validity of every Act which infringes a fundamental right or freedom is to be determined by the same simple test of whether: (a) it has a legitimate objective and (b) it uses means to secure that objective which are proportionate to it, then what purpose is served by the lengthy statements of permitted limitations of, and derogations from, constitutionally protected rights and freedoms that are to be found in all of our Constitutions except one? How do we reconcile the existence of two requirements for an impinging law to be valid as provided for in the Constitutions of the OECS States in relation to which the burden of proof is on different parties, with the application of a single proportionality test?
[32] I raise these questions not because of any dissatisfaction with the proportionality test per se but out of a concern whether an imported test is supplanting rather than supplementing, the tests which have been expressly ordained by our own written Constitutions.
INDEPENDENCE OF MAGISTRATES
[33] I have referred to the cases of Fraser v. JLSC (2008) 73 WIR 175 and Inniss v. The Attorney General (2009) 2LRC 546 in connection with the award of vindicatory damages. These two cases are important, for another reason, in that they serve to reinforce the independence of the magistracy.
[34] In both these cases the issue was whether termination by the State of a fixed term contract of employment of a magistrate before the natural expiration of the term, was unconstitutional, when the termination was effected in accordance with a provision for termination contained in the contract, but not in accordance with the procedure for termination prescribed by the Constitution.
[35] The facts of these cases were very similar. In Fraser, the claimant was employed under contract for a period of one year. The contract was terminable before its expiration by the Government giving three months’ notice or paying one month’s salary in lieu of notice. There was an allegation of corruption made against the claimant. The complaint was investigated by a Judge appointed for that purpose by the Judicial and Legal Service Commission (“the Commission”). Arising out of the Judge’s report and at the suggestion of the Commission, a letter was sent to the claimant by the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Public Service terminating the claimant’s employment. Under section 91(3) of the Constitution of St. Lucia the power to exercise disciplinary control and to remove magistrates from office, is vested in the Commission.
[36] The claimant having challenged his termination by constitutional motion, the trial Judge held that there had been a contravention of the Constitution by both the Commission and the Government and awarded damages against them. The Court of Appeal allowing the respondent’s appeal, held that there had been no constitutional breach but only a breach of contract and on that basis substituted a much smaller award.
[37] The Privy Council restored the trial Judge’s judgment holding that when there was a conflict between a constitutional provision protecting the independence of the Judiciary and the terms of a contract entered into with a member of that protected class, the constitutional provision must prevail.
[38] The facts of Inniss were very similar and the case followed a similar course. The claimant had been appointed Registrar of the High Court of St. Kitts and Nevis and additional magistrate. Under section 83 (3) of the St. Kitts and Nevis Constitution the power to exercise disciplinary control over, and to remove, someone who held the offices that the claimant held, was vested in the Governor General acting in accordance with the recommendation of the Judicial and Legal Service Commission. The claimant was employed under a contract with the Governor General for a period of two years but subject to termination according to its terms by three months’ notice or one month’s salary in lieu of notice. In this case a Permanent Secretary from the Establishment Division wrote to the claimant purporting to terminate her employment. The trial Judge held that the letter was a contravention of section 83 (3). Here too the Court of Appeal reversed the trial Judge’s decision and held that there was no breach of a constitutional right, but only a breach of contract. Before the appeal was heard by the Privy Council, the Privy Council delivered its judgment in Fraser and therefore the respondents did not attempt to support the Court of Appeal’s judgment. The Privy Council following Fraser, held that contractual right must give way to the constitutional protection afforded to the lower judiciary by section 83.
[39] It is possible for a person to contract out of the protection afforded him by the human rights provisions in a Constitution. In fact the statement of several of the rights in Commonwealth Caribbean constitutions begins with the phrase ‘Except with his own consent’. The importance of Fraser and Inniss is that they demonstrate that where there is a public interest in the maintenance of the protection afforded by the Constitution, as there is in the case of those provisions which serve to preserve the independence of the judiciary, the person protected cannot by contract surrender that protection. He cannot effectively grant permission to anyone to depart from the regime which the Constitution has in the public interest ordained for his protection. These two cases are crucial to the maintenance of the security of tenure of magistrates which is one of the pillars on which their independence is founded.
[i] [2006] 1 AC 328
[ii] [1979] 43 WIR 108
[iii] [1997] 52 WIR 501
[iv] [1997] 52 WIR 501 at 505
[v] Supra at 512
[vi] [2008] 73 WIR 175
[vii] [2008] 73 WIR 187
[viii] [2009] UK PC 11
[ix] (1980) 32 W.I.R. 395
[x] (1985) 34 W.I.R. 387
[xi] [2004] 64 WIR 402 at 410
[xii] (1990) 2 AC 751
[xiii] (unreported) Civil Appeal No. 16 of 2004
[xiv] [1999] 1 AC 69
[xv] [1996] 1 LRC 64
[xvi] Supra at 75
[xvii] [2004] 63 WIR 79
[xviii] [2008] 1AC 655
[xix] No. 69 of 2000
[xxi] Supra at paragraph [58]
[xxii] Supra at paragraph [28]
[xxiii] Civil Appeal No. 64 of 2004 (unreported)
[xxiv] HCA No.733 of 2002
[xxv] No. 55 of 2000
November 18, 2009
| Commentary: Cultivating intellectual property rights, responsibilities and respect in the Caribbean | |
| SOURCE: CARIBBEAN NET NEWS Published on Wednesday, November 18, 2009 | |
By Abiola Inniss | |
At no point was my authorship acknowledged nor was the source from which the article was derived, namely,Caribbean Net News. Being Guyanese, I felt especially wounded at such blatant disrespect and dishonesty as the reward for honest effort and some input of scholarship, and while it is said that life holds few surprises for the wary, the sting of theft is no less painful for the knowledge of the thief and this act in fact places the Kaieteur News in the very bracket of corruption which it claims to highlight in its offerings.
November 17, 2009
Is the CCJ Enough For the Caribbean?
One legacy you inherit when you belong to a Commonwealth country is that there are still some ties with the British Empire that are hard to break. Take the case of the final court of appeal for the Caribbean islands – although the Caribbean Court of Justice was established almost a decade ago in Trinidad in 2001, only two countries of this island region are members of its appellate jurisdiction. The others still take their cases to the Britain-based Privy Council where a panel of five of the nation’s top judges decides if the appeal has any merit or not.
Most CARICOM countries are signatories to the CCJ’s original jurisdiction but only Barbados and Guyana are members of its appellate jurisdiction. So is the CCJ ready to take on the entire Caribbean region? Apparently not, according to the President of the Dominica Bar Association Levi A. Peter who feels that this court is still not as effective as the Privy Council. He is not convinced of its ability as an efficient final appellate court.
But on the other side of the ocean, British jurist Lord Phillips has had enough of hearing case after case from independent countries from the Caribbean and other Commonwealth countries at the Privy Council in London. He thus indirectly endorsed the continued use of the CCJ as the main and only final court of appeals in the Caribbean and has said that he doubted that the Privy Council needed to spend most of its time listening to cases that were local to the Caribbean.
Will the abolishment of the Privy Council force these nations to turn to the CCJ as the final appellate court? Has the CCJ not established its reputation as a forum to hear international tribunal disputes that arise from the interpretation and application of the Revised Treaty under the CARICOM Single Market and Economy?
But the British government says that it has no plans to abolish the Privy Council and those individual Commonwealth countries like Trinidad and Tobago will have to decide for themselves if they wish to retain the Privy Council as their final court of appeal or turn to the CCJ and its homegrown judges.
Perhaps it is time that the countries who have left the Commonwealth behind stop using their resources and concentrate on building their own instead, and the CCJ is a good place to start for the Caribbean.
By-line:
This guest post was contributed by Donna Mitchell, who regularly writes on the topic of paralegal schools online . She welcomes your comments and questions at her email address: donna.mitchell@rediffmail.com
Caricom should have a regional Human Rights Commission and an Ombudsman
Source: Stabroek- In Letters
November 17, 2009
Dear Editor,
I read with interest Mr Rickey Singh’s article in the Jamaica Observer of August 30, 2009 concerning the CCJ. Issues surrounding the decisions and the usage of the CCJ have been high on the agenda since the statement made by Lord Nicholas Phillips, UK Chief Justice, to the effect that Privy Council cases from the Caribbean have been creating a financial burden for the British taxpayer and they consume most of the time on the bench. It follows therefore, that were most Caribbean states to disaffiliate from the Privy Council, as urged by Lord Phillips, we must first and foremost be assured that the mechanisms of the CCJ are adequate to accommodate all those cases which would have been sent to the Privy Council, including cases involving human rights issues, eg the right not to be subject to inhuman and degrading treatment, and the right to be free from invidious discrimination.
A state’s human resources are its most important resource. In attempting to move Caricom and the CSME forward individual rights must be considered and protected in light of the several international conventions guaranteeing protections of such rights. Therefore, Caricom structures must be adequate to protect those rights.
I have been advised that the Caribbean Court of Justice is not a human rights court. (Remarks by Chief Justice de la Bastide in Johnson v. CARICAD, AR2 of 2008, December 7, 2008). However, any court of last resort must have as its primary goal the assurance of respect for the rule of law. It must also guarantee protection of rights enshrined in the constitution(s), and ensure that justice is not only done but also seen to be done.
CCJ Rule 1.4(2) (a) provides “Nothing in these Rules shall limit or otherwise affect the inherent powers of the court to make such orders as may be necessary to meet the ends of justice…” Meeting the ends of justice will require the court to decide on human rights issues from time to time. In Johnson v CARICAD the court, by insisting that it is not a human rights court either ignored or deviated from its mandate to make orders as necessary to meet the ends of justice.
The present Caricom structure, although concerned with the free movement of labour and the attendant employment rights, properly scrutinized, may still not live up to the standards required by international conventions, eg ILO C158 (termination) and C111 (discrimination), to which Commonwealth Caribbean states are often parties.
Chapter III of our Barbados Constitution sets out all those fundamental rights and freedoms. Not only Barbados but all Caricom member states have enshrined in their constitutions a Bill of Rights. Thus, the rights in the Bill of Rights are expressly provided for and are rights from which there is no derogation.
In order for Caricom and the CSME to work for the betterment of the region additional mechanisms ought to be put in place. In my article of June 17, 2009 (Barbados Advocate) I wrote of the need for the establishment of an administrative tribunal for Caricom. Such a tribunal would hear and dispose of all those employment cases which relate to Caricom organs, bodies, institutions and associate institutions. If Caribbean governments are to take human rights seriously, as member states of the United Nations and the Inter-American Human Rights system, a tribunal if it is not obligatory under the current international standards, is consistent with the present best practices of regional and international organizations including the ILO. Heads of government need to bring their minds to the establishment of other institutions such as a regional Human Rights Commission and an Ombudsman for Caricom, to mention a few. Obviously, we do not have to reinvent the wheel since the EU has similar such institutions. These institutions along with the constitution(s) will become the guardian of the rights of individuals in the region with the CCJ being the final court for all matters which come up for dispute resolution, especially those which involve the protection of human rights.
In speaking of the CCJ it is worth noting that precedent has already been set by the court in its original jurisdiction i.e. Johnson v CARICAD. This relates to discrimination in a labour/employment case. Article 221 of the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas (Judgment of the Court to Constitute Stare Decisis) provides that “Judgments of the Court constitute legally binding precedents for parties in proceedings before the Court.”
Mr Singh’s article stated that “the fact is that the CCJ’s workload and efficiency largely depend on the extent of its use by member countries as a court of last resort and in having original jurisdiction in dealing with trade disputes. Many of these countries, however, continue the colonial attachment with the Privy Council while talking sweetly about its importance in the development of a West Indian jurisprudence.” I agree with Mr Singh. However, I wish to add that once there is a full fledged freedom of movement of persons within the region to obtain work we should see the court’s original jurisdiction being invoked more often as its workload increases. Beyond trade, and even the establishment of services the issue of national origin discrimination and the rights of the individual will surface again.
Right now there is no guidance from the court on these issues of fundamental importance.
Research has shown that similar happenings took place when the ECJ was first set up. Later on it saw an influx of cases, especially cases which had to do with those fundamental rights and freedoms as enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights.
The ECJ has held that it has a duty to protect the rights of individuals as provided for by the constitutions of the member states, and that such provisions form part of the general principles of community law. The ECJ has also declared that “international treaties for the protection of human rights” can “supply guidelines which should be followed within the framework of Community law.” The European Convention on Human Rights, the International Labour Organisation treaties, the Council of Europe’s European Social Charter, the International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights have all been cited by the ECJ as aids to the interpretation of community law. The ECJ has gradually and steadily, on a case by case basis, incorporated the protection of individual rights into its case law.
Caricom member states should be continually mindful of such fundamental rights and freedoms enshrined in our constitutions and the several international human rights conventions to which we are parties. We should also be mindful of the Caricom Model Harmonization Act Regarding Termination of Employment, and other precedents. We in the region would be well served to insist on additional safeguards such as a Regional Human Rights Commission, Ombudsman, and the Administrative Tribunal as advocated for by Dr Caleb Pilgrim in his call for protection of workers of Caricom organs, bodies, institutions and associate institutions. These mechanisms could very well assist in helping the other states who have not signed on to make a final decision and do the necessary in an effort to bring their countries and the region up to the international standards that are required thereby enabling them to commit to signing on to the CCJ.
November 12, 2009
EXPERTS EXAMINE DEVELOPMENTS IN CARIBBEAN LAW
Source: CMC
Wednesday, November 11, 2009
PORT OF SPAIN, Trinidad (CMC) - The prime minister of Barbados told Monday night's opening of a three-day symposium examining developments in Caribbean law that such a forum was necessary to explore the strength and durability of the pillars on which the regional integration movement rests.
"Did we get it right the first time? Or is there room for improvement? And which reforms precisely would be appropriate?" Prime Minister David Thompson asked delegates attending the opening ceremony of the inaugural gathering on "Current Developments in Caribbean Community Law".
Thompson, who has lead responsibility for the Caribbean Community (Caricom) Single Market and Economy (CSME), said that an essential corollary to these issues is the prognosis for the future of the region.
"I am fully cognisant of the dire fate prophesied by some for the Community, perhaps most wittily 'CARI-COM(E); CARI-GONE'. However, I believe, similar to Mark Twain's description of rumours of his death, that these predictions of doom are 'grossly exaggerated'," Thompson told the opening ceremony.
The Barbados prime minister said that he has often stated that sporadic disagreements among member states of a community "do not equate to disunity, but rather, differences of opinion on how best to achieve such unity.
"Indeed, no member state has so far dissented from the view that we should embrace regional unity and this convergence, in my views, is the core of the matter," he said, noting that the issue would form the basis of a topic for discussions among the legal luminaries who "will no doubt treat this issue in far greater depth than I could ever hope to do here".
Thompson said that a critical element of a "just and equitable market such as we are minded to achieve" is the existence of fair competition among business enterprises. He said he also welcomed the establishment of the Competition Commission, whose functions include monitoring anti-competitive practices of enterprises operating in the CSME and investigating and arbitrating cross-border disputes.
"In order to more efficiently achieve these objectives, the commission is empowered to, inter alia, order payment of compensation to persons affected by anti-competitive business conduct and to impose fines for breaches of the rules of competition in the Community," he said.
But Thompson said that as a backdrop to the regulations is the spectre of the current global financial and economic crisis, noting that delegates would be discussing the consequences of this recession "on our attempts to forge a viable regional market and economy and the opportunities which it may present for us to take advantage of as a regional grouping".
The event, which brought together legal luminaries from Caricom countries, was organised by the Caribbean Law Institute Centre (CLIC), in association with the Caricom Secretariat and the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ).
CCJ President Michael de la Bastide, speaking on developments in judicial protection of fundamental rights in the Commonwealth Caribbean, said he would like to see the award of vindicatory damages so hedged around with rules and restrictions "that its usefulness as a tool for the enforcement of constitutionally protected rights and freedoms would be impaired". CMC
.....................................
I thank my readers for drawing my attention to the errors in the above article and I apologize to the Rt. Hon. Mr. Justice Michael de la Bastide for the oversight.
My readers can be reassured that the full text published on the 21st day of November (http://caribbeancourtofjustice.blogspot.com/2009/11/key-note-address-by-rt.html) has been published with the appropriate permissions.
The correct quotation of the President is below:
The question whether, and if so, how, vindicatory damages are distinguishable from exemplary damages, has provoked a good deal of discussion both by judges and academics. Initially, the tendency was to identify and highlight perceived differences between the two types of damages. For example, the point was made that while exemplary damages are punitive, vindicatory are not. It was also suggested that exemplary damages focus more on the offender while vindicatory damages focus on the right infringed. The differences between them in my view are not all that clear-cut. They are differences more of emphasis than of substance. There is clearly a great deal of overlap between the two. The Privy Council has itself come around to accepting that both forms of damages have a good deal in common. In the recent case of Takitota v The Attorney General[1] ( [2009] UK PC 11) from The Bahamas the Board held that to award both exemplary and vindicatory damages would result in a duplication. In delivering the judgment of the Board Lord Carswell said at paragraph [13]:
“The award of damages for breach of constitutional rights has much the same object as the common law award of exemplary damages”.
[9] My final word on this topic is that I would not like to see the award of vindicatory damages so hedged around with rules and restrictions that its usefulness as a tool for the enforcement of constitutionally protected rights and freedoms, would be impaired.
November 05, 2009
Call for Jamaica referendum on Caribbean Court
By Azad Ali
Source:http://www.caribbeanlifenews.com/articles/2009/11/04/news/caribbean/doc4af19a33abff9089591517.txt
Published: Wednesday, November 4, 2009
Renowned human rights attorney Lord Anthony Gifford has made a call for a referendum for Jamaicans to determine whether the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) should become the country’s final court of appeal.
Call for Jamaica referendum on Caribbean Court
By Azad Ali
Source:http://www.caribbeanlifenews.com/articles/2009/11/04/news/caribbean/doc4af19a33abff9089591517.txt
November 04, 2009
Statement by Dr Francis Alexis QC
Source:Caribbean Agency for Media Services - http://www.spiceislander.com/
Answering questions in the UK Parliament on the system of appeals to the Privy Council (“PC”) and on the Caribbean Court of Justice (“CCJ”), the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State in the UK Ministry of Justice, Lord Bach, a Minister, last 26th October said: “We certainly have no reasons to discourage the Caribbean Court of Justice – indeed, we have reasons to encourage it”. This encouragement of the CCJ by the UK Government is most welcome, says Dr Francis Alexis QC.
The exchanges in the UK Parliament, the House of Lords, on the CCJ and the PC took place in light of what was said last September by the head of the PC, Lord Phillips, when he expressed concerns that disproportionate time and resources of the new UK Supreme Court (“UKSC”) should not be spent on PC cases.
Lord Phillips indicated he was considering taking pressure off the UKSC by drafting in English Court of Appeal judges to help out. If this means putting those judges on the PC, this, Alexis says, would violate the settled convention that PC judges have always been UK Law Lords and distinguished other Commonwealth heads of judiciaries. Putting lower level judges on the PC, even unquestionably competent English Court of Appeal judges, would, Alexis contends, amount to the UK calling on the Caribbean to leave the PC.
The Minister said the question which judges are to sit on PC cases is a matter entirely for Lord Phillips and that the UK Government has no plans to modify the system of PC appeals. But, Alexis argues, putting English Court of Appeal judges on the PC would be so fundamentally changing the composition of the PC as, in effect, virtually to modify the system of PC appeals.
Lord Phillips would prefer Caribbean countries to have their own final appellate court replace the PC. Comparably, Dr. Alexis notes, the UK Minister, Lord Bach, told Parliament that the UK Government encourages the CCJ, even though, the Minister added, it is absolutely a matter for Caribbean countries to opt between the CCJ and the PC.
Specifically by encouraging the CCJ, and also by mentioning the idea of putting English Court of Appeal judges on the PC, the UK, by both the Government and the Judiciary, is diplomatically calling on the Caribbean to replace the PC with the CCJ, buttressing other more compelling arguments for doing this. So says Dr. Alexis.
October 30, 2009
Thursday, October 29, 2009
"To ask Her Majestys government what plans they have to modify the system of appeals from certain Commonwealth countries to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council".
The first question in the House of Lords on Monday, 26 October, turned into an interesting mini-debate on the case for continuing appeals from certain Commonwealth countries to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.
"To ask Her Majestys government what plans they have to modify the system of appeals from certain Commonwealth countries to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council".
The first question in the House of Lords on Monday, 26 October, turned into an interesting mini-debate on the case for continuing appeals from certain Commonwealth countries to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.
Lord Bach, on behalf of the government, offered a classic straight bat to proposals for change following the creation of the Supreme Court on 1 October.
In short, he answered my question by stating that all matters relating to the Court's procedures and division of business are for Lord Phillips, who is double-hatted as Chairman of the Board of the Judicial Committee and President of the Supreme Court.
Among those who spoke were: Lord Thomas of Gresford, a practitioner on the Judicial Committee, who stressed the contribution of the Court to Human Rights and the independence of the judiciary and Lord Pannick, who wondered whether the participation of British judges in proceedings that involved the death penalty validated a degrading sentence.
Lord Lloyd of Berwick answered that when he sat on such appeals he was trying to apply the law of the country in question.
Lord Morris of Handsworth, of West Indian origin, asked about possible government assistance to the Caribbean Court of Justice.
Unspoken were concerns that to "repatriate" appeals might reduce the quality of justice by leading to political interference in decisions and a view that these appeals were an anachronistic hangover from Empire.
The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, now part of the Supreme Court, was set up under the Judicial Committee Act of 1833. Its jurisdiction currently comprises appeals from about 15 independent Commonwealth states (mostly former UK colonies in the Caribbean), British Overseas Territories, Guernsey, Jersey and the Isle of Man.
Lord Phillips was quoted in the Financial Times of 21 September as saying that he was searching for ways to curb the, "disproportionate time" he and his fellow senior justices spent on these appeals and that he was concerned that up to 40 per cent of their working hours would be spent on Privy Council business.
He was prepared to draft in the Court of Appeal judges to help out but, "in an ideal world" former Commonwealth countries would stop using the Privy Council and establish their own courts of appeal.
The Director of the Constitution Unit at University College London was quoting as saying that it was, "a minor public scandal" that our senior judges spent almost half their time on business, "of no interest to anyone in the UK".
The Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) was established in 2001 by the Caribbean community (Caricom) States and was formally inaugurated in 2005.
It is designed to be a court of last resort for the 12 current members and thus to replace the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.
Yes, over many years, the Law Lords have had a most positive influence on the Commonwealth on good governance, the rule of law, the independence of the judiciary and on the role of the profession generally.
It is also true that the CCJ has been slow to gain acceptance and legitimacy because of inter-Caribbean rivalries, professional inertia and lack of resources.
October 29, 2009
| Guyana's foreign minister says no time to turn back on CSME | |
| Published on Thursday, October 29, 2009 Source: Caribbean Net News | |
GEORGETOWN, Guyana -- Foreign Affairs Minister Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett says Guyana is going full blast to implement of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Single Market and Economy (CSME) and called on sister member states to view this process as critical to the region's survival, especially in this time of harsh economic environment and social realities. Rodrigues-Birkett's call came on Wednesday during a public symposium here, under the theme ”Understanding the CSME” at the Guyana International Convention Centre in Georgetown as part of the local efforts to sensitize citizens about the Regional Integration process. The Foreign Minister who has Responsibility for CARICOM Affairs said since the CSME was signed into being with the Grand Anse Declaration in 1989 there have been tremendous progress in its implementation, however there are still “pressing issues that need to be dealt with urgently." “I cannot pretend to be unaware of the disenchantment that exists amongst some of our people, many question the benefits of CARICOM as a whole and the seriousness of US policymakers but we cannot turn back now. I think that part of this disinterest is because some people do not see the goals outlined in the Grand Anse declaration in 1981 translated into their day to day experiences,” the Guyanese Foreign Minister stressed. She noted that while the regional group may be blowing its own trumpet about the achievements of the CSME it must with the same breath address the many pitfalls that stymie the process. “We cannot speak of being committed to CSME when it is easier for our goods to be exported to Europe than within our territories and we still have some of those issues to deal with,” Rodrigues-Birkett added. Meanwhile, Programme Manager of the CSME Unit in Barbados, Ivor Carryl, said significant progress has been made over the years in implementing the CSME. He noted that, despite the many challenges and differences among member states, there are many achievements of the CSME. Among them he highlighted the free movement of goods, services, capital, skills the Regional Development Fund, the Caribbean Court of Justice and the CARICOM Competition Commission. . “The entire objective is to deliver to the people of the Caribbean more investment, better jobs, and growth in their personal welfare matters, and that is what this entire CSME process is about,” Carryl noted. Carryl added that the symposium must be used as an opportunity to examine success and more importantly identify Guyana’s role to get its fair share of the pie. Guyana is one of the countries that first began the process of implementing the CSME and so far it is progressing in 12 of the 15 CARICOM member states. | |
Phillips calls for more constitutional reforms
Source: Jamaica Gleaner
Dr Peter Phillips said the time has come to reconsider barring people with dual allegiances from sitting in Parliament.
"The world has changed significantly," Phillips told members of the House of Representatives, as he made his contribution to the debate on the Charter of Rights inside Gordon House on Tuesday.
The Charter of Rights is intended to replace chapter three of the Jamaican Constitution. The proposed reform seeks to enshrine the sovereignty of the people, guaranteeing rights which are today a privilege.
On Tuesday, Phillips said that revisiting the provision relating to persons with divided loyalty being allowed to sit in Parliament and in some sensitive positions should form part of a broader constitutional reform.
The Constitution currently bars persons who have pledged allegiance or acknowledged adherence or obedience to a foreign power from being Parliamentarians.
Phillips' opposition People's National Party (PNP) had used the divided loyalty provision to force the disqualification of government members Daryl Vaz, Gregory Mair and Michael Stern from the House. The members were subsequently returned after by-elections in their constituencies.
Constitutional absurdity
Prime Minister Bruce Golding has said there exists a constitu-tional absurdity which allows Commonwealth citizen to be eligible to be elected to Parliament, yet disqualifies a Jamaican who has allegiance to a foreign power.
On Tuesday, Phillips said "the significance of the Commonwealth in our national life was much different in 1962 from what it is now".
"The number of Jamaicans living in non-commonwealth countries is very significant," Phillips said.
However, Phillips noted that "there are some critical positions in our parliament, and in our foreign service, where we ought to have clear and undivided loyalty to Jamaica".
Meanwhile, Phillips urged Parliament to "restart the engine that gave us this joint select committee report" and reconstitute another committee on constitutional reform.
Issues for examination
The PNP strongman wants that committee to examine, not only dual citizenship issues but, the Caribbean Court of justice, the appointment of a President, as head of state and a method of appointing two senate seats not appointed by the prime minister or the leader of the Opposition.
"A new constitution will not solve all our problems, but it can give a sense of new beginning," Phillips said while praising the efforts of the Parliament for demonstrating the will to debate the Charter of Rights.
The East Central St Andrew member said Parliament had no excuse for stalling constitutional reforms for 32 years.
"The length of time that it has taken is symptomatic of some of the ills that have plagued our political process, not least of which has been excessive partisanship and the search for political one-upmanship," Phillips said.
According to Phillips, "if we succeed at this we can blot out some of the failings of the past and perhaps give our people new hope and a new beginning with a more effective set of constitutional arrangements".
Overcoming challenges to Caribbean integration
Published: Thursday | October 29, 2009
Jamaica Gleaner
The debate on Caribbean integration continues, from how deeply integrated we should be, to whether we should be integrated at all; from issues concerning the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) to matters dealing with intra-community trade. On these issues, there are as many opinions as there are people.
As expected, these debates reflect firmly held personal views which are, in many cases, informed by individual experiences. The problem is, we tend to speak on these issues more from emotion than we do from information.
When problems arise between our countries, which they inevitably will, just as they do among families, many of us immediately think that the notion of integration is a grand fantasy that should be abandoned for more practical pursuits. But the fact is, even the European Union, idolised by so many as a model of successful integration, has had its share of problems which might have crippled it, had it not been for those who understood the benefits of integration and were bold enough to pursue the vision of an integrated Europe.
The problem of xenophobia
Take for example the problem of xenophobia. One Jamaican student currently studying in Barbados recently raised this issue in a letter to the editor of this paper published on October 22. He writes that he was "all for Caribbean integration" before his arrival in Barbados but laments that since he has been there, he has "heard the most harsh, negative and backward statements about my dear land, Jamaica. The Eastern Caribbean is against us, from Antigua, St Vincent and Barbados to Trinidad. The reality is we cannot befriend our secret enemies. These islanders are so prejudiced against us, it is unbelievable".
He goes on to say, "It is not wise for us to have the CCJ as a final court of appeal when the others dislike us so much". He concludes that, "Integration will never work until the others who hate us remove their prejudices against us." One can easily sense his disappointment with his experience in Barbados and his growing disdain for Eastern Caribbean nationals.
I am certain that he is not the only one with such a view. Having lived in Barbados for two years myself, and having good and bad experiences while there, I can sympathise with his view and I believe his concern having to do with xenophobia is a legitimate one. But I am not confident that the solution is to isolate ourselves from our Caribbean neighbours. It is not likely that their prejudices against us, whether real or perceived, will be removed by distancing ourselves. Instead, prejudices will be removed, our own and our Caribbean neighbours', only when we get to know each other better. In other words, by greater interaction and further integration.
Enhanced appreciation
Another writer to the editor on October 24, also speaking on the integration movement, notes that, "Those who have travelled to Jamaica are usually in awe at the beauty of the place, the friendliness of the people and their resilience. They love the music and culture and try to copy as much as they can." Therefore, it is only by greater interaction among our Caribbean people, by experiencing our various islands and cultures and by enjoying our different foods and music that our prejudices and fears will be dispelled and our appreciation for each other will be enhanced.
It is for us as a people to find routes through or around these problems through better information and greater exposure rather than throwing our hands in the air and relinquishing all hope of reaping the benefits of integration.
The time for questioning the wisdom of pursuing integration has gone. The only question that remains is how best to do it.
I am, etc.,
Duwayne Lawrence
October 28, 2009
What say the House of Lords??
House of Lords
Monday, 26 October 2009.
2.30 pm
Prayers—read by the Lord Bishop of Ripon and Leeds.
Commonwealth: Privy Council
Question
2.36 pm
Asked By Lord Anderson of Swansea
To ask Her Majesty’s Government what plans they have to modify the system of appeals from certain Commonwealth countries to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Ministry of Justice (Lord Bach): My Lords, the Government have no plans to modify the system of appeals from certain Commonwealth countries to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.
Lord Anderson of Swansea: My noble friend will be well aware of the concern that a disproportionate amount of time and resources in the new Supreme Court is spent on these Privy Council cases. There can of course be some ad hoc appointment of judges to the Supreme Court, but the Caribbean court of appeal was designed specifically to replace the Privy Council and its credibility is enhanced by the fact that a British judge and a Dutch judge serve on it. What in my noble friend’s view are the prospects of that Caribbean court replacing the Privy Council for those purposes and what help are the Government prepared to give to the Caribbean Court of Justice to this end?
Lord Bach: The amount of time spent on Judicial Committee cases and the question of deciding which judges are to sit on those cases are matters entirely for the noble and learned Lord, Lord Phillips, in his dual capacity as chairman of the board of the Judicial Committee and resident of the Supreme Court. We certainly have no reasons to discourage the Caribbean Court of Justice—indeed, we have reasons to encourage it. It was set up in 2005, and countries that previously sent their final cases to the JCPC have chosen to use that court in its place. That is absolutely a matter for them and, as I said, we do nothing to discourage it.
Lord Thomas of Gresford: I declare an interest as a practitioner on the Judicial Committee and, indeed, as having had the privilege in July last of appearing in the final case to be heard in Downing Street after 170 years. Does the Minister agree that the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council has for more than 100 years protected the people of colonial countries and former colonies and that in particular it has been instrumental in the interpretation of constitutions, the protection of human rights and, absolutely essentially, the independence of the judiciary in those countries?
Lord Bach: Yes, I agree with the noble Lord. That is exactly what the Judicial Committee has done over a very long period. Countries where Her Majesty is the head of state,UKcolonies and the Crown dependencies are entitled to retain this right of appeal to the Judicial Committee as the final court of appeal. The essential point is that it is absolutely a matter for them whether they choose to continue to do so.
Lord Pannick: My Lords, will the Minister confirm that many of the cases heard by the Judicial Committee have involved the imposition of sentences of death on defendants in criminal cases? Will the government consider whether it is really appropriate for British judges to continue to participate in proceedings that involve the sentence of death and thereby to validate a sentence that is rightly regarded by this country as both degrading and inhumane?
Lord Bach: My Lords, I am grateful for the question. The judges who sit on the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council do so as privy counsellors and their task is to rule on the law of the individual country involved. The noble Lord is right that they sometimes have to make difficult decisions with regard to the death penalty. As long as this system continues—and we have no intention of changing it—that is a role that the judges must take on themselves.
Baroness Gardner of Parkes: My Lords—
Lord Morris of Handsworth: Is the Minister aware that the Caribbean Court of Justice is grossly underfunded and that this impacts on the quality of the decisions? Are the Government prepared to look again to see what resources could be afforded until the court finds the proper level at which to dispense justice similar in quality to that of the Privy Council?
Lord Bach: I am grateful to my noble friend. I did not know that it was considered that the court was underfunded and I shall take that back to the department.
Baroness Gardner of Parkes: My Lords—
Lord Lloyd of Berwick: My Lords—
The Minister of State, Department of Energy and Climate Change (Lord Hunt of Kings Heath):We must let the noble Baroness in.
Baroness Gardner of Parkes: Can the Minister tell me the exact process by which a country decides? I recall clearly when all cases in Australia came from the Privy Council but now they are all done in Australia. Did that decision come from this end or the Australian end?
Lord Bach: My Lords, the answer to that question is easy. The decision would have come from the Australian end. It is absolutely a matter for the independent country itself to decide whether it wants to use this provision.
Lord Lloyd of Berwick: As the noble Lord will know, I have sat in many appeals from Caribbean and other countries that used to have an appeal to the Privy Council. I never understood that in sitting on those appeals I was in any sense validating the death sentence. I hope that the noble Lord will agree that I was trying—successfully, I hope—to apply the law of the countries in question.
Lord Bach: I thank the noble and learned Lord for the role that he has played over many years and all those who continue to do that valuable job.
Baroness Symons of Vernham Dean: Can my noble friend tell me whether, in doing exactly what the noble and learned Lord, Lord Lloyd, has said about looking at the law of the country, the committee has upheld the death sentence in those countries since it was abolished in this country?
Lord Bach: I do not know the figures, but I suspect that the answer is that the committee has upheld the death penalty in certain instances. I am sure that, on the other side, there have been occasions when it has allowed an appeal against such a sentence.
LordWallace of Saltaire: In overseeing and checking on the quality of justice in Crown dependencies and overseas territories, does the Ministry of Justice or do other aspects of Her Majesty’s Government play a more active role than simply waiting for court cases to come to the Judicial Committee?
Lord Bach: We have to be very careful here. Many of the countries involved with the JCPC are proud, independent countries with their own judicial system. Largely because of tradition and history, they happen to choose to have their senior appeal court in this country. The Ministry of Justice and the Government generally have to be very wary indeed about interfering in the legal systems of other countries.
Baroness Whitaker: My Lords, is it not the case that, when jurisdictions have gone not to the Privy Council but to the Caribbean court, the death sentence has much more often been upheld? Will my noble friend use every pressure that he can through diplomatic means to encourage other jurisdictions to do away with the death penalty?
Lord Bach: In my personal view—not that that matters—and in the view of the Government, the death penalty is not a proper sentence for any offence.
